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Touched by Bloodless Abstraction
The argument about indifference here needs elaborating. The ‘indifference’ – and in one case the advertising of one’s indifference – amounts to saying ‘what does not touch my immediate experience is a matter of little concern to me, or concerns me only as it touches my immediate experience, community, interests.’ Another, slightly more philosophical way of putting it is that I am touched by what happens to those who share the same predicates as me – white, middle-class, American or whatever. Conversely, I am incapable of being touched by - or really grasping - a level of humanity that precedes such predicates. My moral compass is governed by the accident of nearness. Thus, such people are spontaneous Rorty-ite liberals, a position here deftly summarised and defeated by Teagleton:
the American philosopher Richard Rorty, who in an essay entitled "Solidarity" argues that those who helped Jews in the last world war probably did so less because they saw them as fellow human beings but becasue they belonged to the same city, profession, or other social grouping as themselves. He then goes on to ask himself why modern American liberals should help oppressed American blacks. "Do we say that these people must be helped because they are our fellow human beings? We may, but it is much more persuasive, morally as well as politically, to describe them as our fellow Americans--to insist that it is outrageous that an American should live without hope." Morality, in short, is really just a species of patriotism. Rorty's case, however, strikes me as still too universalist. There are, after all, rather a lot of Americans, of various shapes and sizes, and there is surely something a little abstract in basing one's compassion on such grandiosely general grounds. It is almost as though "American" operates here as some sort of metalanguage or metaphysical essence, collapsing into unity a vast variety of creeds, lifestyles, ethnic groupings, and so on. Would it not be preferable for an authentic critic of universality to base his fellow-feeling on some genuine localism, say the city block? ….. I have not, incidently, yet resigned from the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, merely adjusted my reasons for belonging. I now object to nuclear warfare not because it would blow up some metaphysical abstraction known as the human race, but because it would introduce a degree of unpleasantness into the lives of my Oxford neighbors. The benefit of this adjustment is that my membership of the campaign is no longer the bloodless, cerebral affair it once was, but pragmatic, experiential, lived sensuously on the pulses.
For Rorty, contingency – i.e., being born into a certain place and its culture – is Fate: your affections, moral obligations, and your default understanding of ‘how things are’ remain wedded to this accident. Some might see this doctrine as simply a regression to tribalism + resigned irony. It’s not that you think your little tribe is humanity as such, its just that, realistically, and experientially, you know it might as well be.
Eagleton’s précis of Rorty suggests that the philosopher presents his positon as being on the side of that which is ‘… lived sensuously on the pulses’ as opposed to ‘bloodless abstraction. The solidarities of community are identified with the former, the concept of 'human rights' etc with the latter. Rorty relies on a common perception that ‘bloodless abstractions’ are inhuman, whereas spontaneous compassion is the very defining trait of ‘humanity’. This may be the exact reverse of the truth.
While the automatic extension of sympathy to what is familiar and near is doubtless necessary (it would be disturbing if it were absent), neither is it incompatible with inhumanity, as the chronicles of modern times ceaselessly reminds us. Those who love the familiar and hold close their kin, can also of course be much less than kind toward those outside the prison-house of family and familiarity.
To further extend one's moral intelligence, to break through the prison house, relies on a faculty of abstraction. It requires not only affect but conceptual thought and/or thought-experiments, acts of the imagination. The demand to be Universalist and apply to the Other the moral concern we apply to ourselves can be foreign to and opposed to some of our most ingrained pre-rational attachments. Such moral intelligence is frequently counter-intuitive and has to be won through intellectual work.
Thus, in ‘abstracting’ from those merely sensuous common sympathies, those shared cultural traits that are so immediately palpable, so easy on the eye and ear, those shared predicates with which it is all too easy to ‘identify’, one’s sympathy and comprehension are actually enlarged; you pass beyond the immediate to a more generic humanity: the bloodless abstraction is finally the more human.
And we should even be alert to the possibility that a too tenacious attachment to ones ‘folk’ blocks the perception of this generic humanity and results in an ultimately incoherent morality wherein there is one rule for Us and another for Them.
By Mark Kaplan | July 10, 2005 in Reign of Terror, Rorty | Permalink
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Nice post. More and more I assent to the idea that it's only our power of abstraction that makes us human. Even Rorty might assent to "human = rational animal", where reason is understood tribally, as you say. But "human = abstracting animal" means we of the base 10 and they of the base 40 can still aggregate together.
Posted by: Jared Woodard | Jul 10, 2005 6:14:19 PM
Timely topic. Why not even go one step further and construct the intellectual work you describe as not just necessary, but a qualifier for an enlightened existence where abstraction is a blood-pulsing, ever-reflexive dynamic and sensuous thing?
It's attractive to consider abstraction then as enlightening in Kantian terms, loaded with sensuous, liberating potential that must not only be acknowledged but placed BEFORE the operation of abstraction. Being able to do this intellectual work of abstraction requires certain 'a priori' conditions, and one in particular: an intellectual but also emotional engagement (ie. 'non-indifference') for there to be a 'way out of our self-imposed immaturity' (Kant) for the people around us. "Bildung", moral, intellectual education.
That, to me, is an attractive, and literally 'sensible', description of enlightenment and humanism: The universality of that condition of empathy is necessarily rational, and as such a mor(t)al enemy of both discrimination and indifference.
Posted by: Christoph W-K | Jul 10, 2005 7:18:04 PM
[Abusive content deleted]
noy only have u never undertood Toulmin 101, the history of 20th cent psychology is missing from yr bookshelves as well
Posted by: pederowovskolekovski | Jul 11, 2005 12:49:36 AM
I agree with you Mark, and with the commenters (the Tourettes Troll, by the way, ignores the fact that most academic psychology since Freud's death is extremely positivistic - most psychology students I know give up the topic faced with the prospect of learning 4 years of SPSS and cog sci; psychology tells us a lot less than philosophy does about this topic. And where in the brain is the faculty of abstraction? Only a neuroscientific reductionist could ask such a question).
Rorty perhaps draws on Smith's observation about empathy for others decreasing with their physical and cultural distance from us (Smith, it should be stressed, was being descriptive not prescriptive). I think Christoph is right to see this topic as being one of the Enlightenment's laudable interests - the genre of 'universal history' (Herder, Lessing, Diderot, Kant, Hegel) was trying to find what is common to man rather than fetishise cultural particularities (as as our Zeitgeist is still wont to do).
One of Hegel's critiques of Kant is that in his moral philosophy he has given us a merely formal universality, such that doing good to others involves mere rule-following (the categorical imperative yields morality as a 'universality of application') whereas what we need to cultivate is ethics as a 'universality of concern' (the terms are Allen Wood's, not Hegel's, but they grasp the essential point).
Posted by: YH | Jul 11, 2005 5:12:28 AM
p.s. How long before the right-wing blogs start their forensic pedantry on Gary Younge's timely piece: http://www.guardian.co.uk/attackonlondon/comment/story/0,16141,1525755,00.html
Posted by: YH | Jul 11, 2005 5:49:25 AM
V. much in agreement with Christoph about the 'next step' in the argument, abstraction both liberates us and also opens up and illuminates the world in new ways.
YH - Also in agreement! I'd been meaning to ask you btw where Hegel uses that phrase about the 'Sunday of Life'?
As for 'the history of 20th cent psychology is missing from yr bookshelves', thanks - i'd been wondering why one of my bookcases was half-empty. Seriously, It’s funny that people think remarks like ‘You’re obviously unfamiliar with xyz” will pass muster as a comment. My advice to them is: do some actual thinking rather than invoking supposed intellectual capital, otherwise you just look ridiculous.
Posted by: mark kaplan | Jul 11, 2005 7:33:53 AM
Mark, it's in the Lectures on the History of Philosophy, trans. Haldane and Simson (NY: Humanties Press, 1974), vol. I, p. 92: "Philosophy demands the unity and intermingling of these two points of view; it unites the Sunday of life when man in humility renounces himself, and the working-day when he stands up independently, is master of himself and considers his own interests."
Posted by: YH | Jul 11, 2005 7:48:04 AM
...not that I know many people's working days to involve "standing up independently"! Maybe there's been an Umschlagen since Hegel's time - our Sundays now free of religious humility (in Britain at least), and the working week the time for obeisance.
Posted by: YH | Jul 11, 2005 7:54:33 AM
Have people seen this:
http://www.generation-online.org/p/fpzizek7.htm
(via the blog 'Archive')
Totality over the "scare" quote,eh?
Posted by: Matt | Jul 11, 2005 12:15:37 PM
Mark, interesting post, but, having looked at the words of the guy you cite at Charlotte Street, I can't help but find the jump to Rorty a jump. That is, the predicates 'like me' don't seem the issue. Why should we think that the guy would respond differently, more sympathetically or with less 'indifference' to those like him? It strikes me that a more compelling frame is Capital: the guy seems an opportunity to profit. His world is one of profit and loss; loss on one side is profit and another. In this world, all are equal; an element of the same enables this equation. Indifference? No--that's just another word for failure to see an opportunity when it arises.
Posted by: Jodi | Jul 11, 2005 1:42:56 PM
Naturally, it’s a ‘jump’ Jodi, as in a jump off a springboard (as with many of my posts, I confess). The other two examples are more germane. But it might be best to jettison the examples in reading the post. The indifference of the Fox man, to be sure, is the indifference of Capital – also an abstraction, and perhaps a mirror of the ‘abstraction’ of which I was speaking. Perhaps you hit on an obvious criticism of Rorty: that he is really talking about the ideological noises people make, sentimental attachments to kin as choreographed by the Spectacle, meanwhile, Capital and its networks are serenely indifferent to particular identities. These two need to be grasped in relation to onanother. I suspect the Fox man’s sentimental attachments would indeed be demanded/activated by something closer to home while at the same time he would of course be concerned about his returns.
Posted by: mark kaplan | Jul 11, 2005 2:28:45 PM
Mark, you are right that my points would work in a quick and dirty strike against Rorty. Yet, I'm not sure I agree with you at the end regarding 'sentimental attachments.' My basic intuition is that identity based sentiments are not so sticky, that Capital and the fears and longings it relies on/engenders work ever more strongly and are winning: "I'd sell my mother for...." or, less trivially, the horrid Right wing argument that women have children in order to get more welfare benefits.
Posted by: Jodi | Jul 11, 2005 8:13:28 PM
"Capital and the fears and longings it relies on/engenders work ever more strongly and are winning"
But ‘more strongly and winning against what’? Aren’t you suggesting a contradiction between the demands and beliefs appropriate to capital and, on the other hand, something else? And surely this distinction/ contradiction (it may be only superficially contradictory) has always been a feature of capitalism. I agree with you that perhaps now the ‘naked logic’ is becoming more transparent. Secondly, one of the reasons the Fox man might be more concerned at those ‘sharing the same predicates as him’ is precisely that they represent for him ‘another who is me’ – i.e., it returns him to himself, as an individual with a particular gender, class etc rather than as an empty point of accumulation. Just speculating (!).
Posted by: mark kaplan | Jul 12, 2005 8:27:08 AM
More sad news: http://www.guardian.co.uk/attackonlondon/story/0,16132,1527344,00.html
Posted by: YH | Jul 13, 2005 7:00:32 AM
YH said: How long before the right-wing blogs start their forensic pedantry on Gary Younge's timely piece:
You don't have to be right-wing to see the flaw in his argument. To recycle something I wrote before reading his piece:
Curiously, the attitude of some on the secular Left - the Chomskys, Galloways and so on - also seems to me to be a sort of absolutism. You can talk about women and children being killed when the Americans bombed Falluja (to deny a safe haven to terrorists targeting Iraqi police and civilians in Baghdad and elsewhere), but that is not the same thing as attacks whose sole aim is to kill innocent people. I argued on a forum last year: 'Many on the "anti-war" side seem to demand perfection'. I went on to quote from a passage of Orwell: 'the choice before human beings is not, as a rule, between good and evil but between two evils. You can let the Nazis rule the world; that is evil; or you can overthrow them by war, which is also evil'. Thus, it was necessary to be on the same side as Stalin (and the British Empire) in order to defeat Hitler. After that, preferring George W. Bush to Saddam Hussein (or Osama Bin Laden) does not seem too difficult.
Why I am a relativist
http://davidp1.blogspot.com/2005/07/why-i-am-relativist.html
Posted by: DavidP | Jul 18, 2005 5:43:59 AM
Hi David, I'm not sure 'absolutist' is the right term. I think two issues are at stake. One is that to show up hypocrisy (as Younge does), the hypocrisy of politicians showing moral outrage at 55 dead in London but not the same level of outrage at similar or greater amounts of daily dead in Iraq, does not commit one to absolutism. I think a distaste for hypocrisy, or a worry that some lives are being treated as more valuable than others, is more the substance of Younge's piece than any sense of moral 'perfection'. Secondly I think the real issue is that of how one construes consequentialism, as I think both sides of the battle-lines actually hold to some form of consequentialism (John Quiggin has an interesting piece on this over at Crooked Timber at the moment, worth visiting). I disagree that the sole aim of terrorists (or insurgents) is to kill innocent lives. Even they think consequentially. They have a longer term aim in view, whether it is the terrorists' aim of getting coalition troops out of Iraq or (in the case of some insurgents) also to secure a grip on power for their respective religious faction. Even the thought of divine bliss on the part of the few real fanatics is a thought of consequences. (As an aside, I don't buy the Caliphate argument which the go-ers are using, that we in Britain 'would have been a target anyway'. Even MI6 and the Foreign Office's think tank have rejected that). So one is not going to be able to avoid the consequentialist debate - there's always going to be a question of which consequences are more morally abhorrent when everything is taken into account. Not that everything in this debate should be reduced to consequences; utilitarianism and deontology are two sides of the same alienated coin. But even on purely consequentialist terms the cards are stacked against the go-ers' argument - here I agree with Quiggin.
Posted by: YH | Jul 18, 2005 11:01:19 AM
YH, 'Absolutism' can only be understood in the context of my series of posts on the subject, as the position of those who oppose 'relativism' - the Popes and Leo Strauss. As Orwell argued, the idea that that 'violence is absolutely wrong always' could be genuine pacifism, sincerely held, if naive, or it could be cynical: in his historic context, it was objectively pro-Nazi or -fascist and, in many cases it was actually a mask for pro-fascist sentiments; later it could be pro-Stalinist or pro-(Islamist) fascism (the latter two would both seem to cover G Galloway, whose views Younge echoes).
So to the specifics of terrorism and Iraq. I have covered these in later posts on my weblog, but to begin again...
Hypocrisy? That cuts both ways. 100,000 killed by 'Bush's war on Iraq' ? I personally doubt whether the figure is anything like that high, but it was in The Lancet and it seems to have stuck. What about the people killed by the war that followed Saddam Hussein's invasion of Iran ? 500,000, maybe as many as a million. Or those killed by the war that followed his invasion of Kuwait ? Another 100,000. And unnumbered Shi'as massacred in his attempts to 'keep control'.
Falluja? 700 killed (by the American attack of November 2004). Of course, we should have the same sympathy for those being killed in Iraq now (I don't know how many, a toll of 50-60 would seem to be a 'good' week); and not forget that they are being killed by people with the same ideology as those who carried out the London bombings.
Of course, they are not 'irrational' or without aims, but what are those aims? Do you think they are just to 'end the occupation'? (You talk of go-ers, presumably as opposed to Stoppers. Maybe a better word is stayers.) Strange then that, when they are not killing civilians, including children, they especially target members of, or people training to be part of, an Iraqi police or army accountable to a democratically elected government.
As for the 'consequences', I don't know that MI6 or any Foreign Office think tank has argued that Britain would have been safe, but for its involvement in the invasion/occupation of Iraq. Evidently, it gives one more 'reason' for terror. Where the politicians get a bit fuzzy (or go into denial, you would say) is as to whether the involvement has made it more or less likely for us to be attacked. As Jack Straw pointed out last night, what would have happened if Britain had not been involved is an unknown. Maybe the jihadists would have seen this as a great victory, as they did the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan and drawn strength from it.
While we are on the subject of 'showing moral outrage', please spare one thought for the hundreds of thousands of people in Niger who are probably about to die. It's not quite big enough to get onto our domestic news.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4695355.stm
-------------
Posted by: DavidP | Jul 19, 2005 7:50:37 AM
Don't forget about the unknown knowns!
http://www.inthesetimes.com/site/main/article/747/
Posted by: Matt | Jul 19, 2005 9:38:42 AM
Hi David, I too noted that BBC headline about Niger this morning - it stuck out, even amongst the other horrific news.
I don't know that we're really disagreeing on the philosophical point. I'm probably what you call a 'relativist' on this issue too, in that I'm not against violence tout court - there are many human actions which are violent in some respects, and many laudable goals which involve violence, so I'm not supporting absolutism. And I doubt Galloway and Younge are either. For instance, Galloway as a quasi-Trotskyist probably subscribes to the 'you can't break an egg...' view of revolution.
As to weighing up the costs of the war versus not going to war, again I'd say the debate at Crooked Timber covers this fairly comprehensively, and I'm not going to rehearse it. You'd probably be better off sending your points to them, as it would take a lot more evidence to persuade me that the war has somehow been vindicated.
Posted by: YH | Jul 19, 2005 10:25:15 AM
Matt, I thought it was known unknowns and unknowns unknowns (from Donald Rumsfeld, the most profound philosopher to hold such a high position of power since I don't know when).
YH, yes, Crooked Timber does have some good stuff. I read one thread the other day - Battle lines (http://crookedtimber.org/2005/07/14/battle-lines/).
Niger: PM did have a bit about it last night, but this morning, first item on the World Service, not a mention on Radio 4's bulletin ?!
Posted by: DavidP | Jul 20, 2005 8:09:48 AM
David P,
Try reading the link.
And to keep you busy, here's another one:
http://observer.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,6903,1530216,00.html
Posted by: Matt | Jul 20, 2005 3:26:00 PM
Matt, sorry, I missed the link. Berger's article has had a response here (http://hurryupharry.bloghouse.net/archives/2005/07/17/moral_equivalence_now_and_then.php ). There's not much I can add to this.
The problem with Zizek's argument is that I have seen analysis from a 'right-wing' perspective, linking Abu Ghraib with the widespread availability of pornography. We are used to seeing the secular Left in Europe criticising the US (especially the current administration) for its religious fundamentalism and social conservatism. It is difficult then to criticise it for precisely the opposite reason, for allowing pornography to exist.
This, of course, was exactly Sayyid Qutb's critique of the US in the 1940’s. An echo is also found in Berger's curious 'One is strict, the other lax'. Do you feel comfortable with this sort of argument?
Posted by: DavidP | Jul 24, 2005 3:45:17 PM
DavidP, I hesitate to respond for a number of reasons. I have very little sympathy for someone who takes the final word of that place, suffice to say.
You might be interested in Zizek's argument sometime though. Just as I am far from comfortable with the "standard argument" of "the secular left" (see above), Zizek also goes a long way toward making such necessary critiques (of liberal "tolerance" for example) accessible to the wider public.
Berger's argument, to the degree that it is even intended as an argument (which we could debate as well, I'm sure), could probably be made more nuanced. But in the absence of the availability of the full truth, imaginative thought experiments are absolutely necesssary, yes. And they can be at once both creative, even fictive, and yet still responsible, or reponsive to a greater idea of responsibility, one futural and potential (but neither is it purely hypothetical).
I must ask, though: Are you really comfortable, at this stage, being a parrot for Newt Gingrich? Of course one is encouraged to draw dangerous (and false) "moral equivalencies" all the time, between Nazi's and suicide terrorists say, or Hitler and bin Laden, thereby stoking popular, profoundly nostalgic, sentimental myths related to redeeming a fictitious US world image with rhetoric of "good and evil" and World War II salvation which is ridiculous on multiple levels, but that's all right, one presumes, because they are myths directly encouraged by the propoganda of those in power. Nevermind the ways such Mission-speak effectively excuses itself from any comprehensively historical argument and serves to preempt all kinds of desperately necessary, nuanced analysis. Are you comfortable getting your sense of Mission from George Bush? Are you comfortable with a foreign policy of anti-democratic nation building, of establishing, funding and excusing dictators, and then with a smirk demonizing them whenever it becomes convenient? Perhaps some sincere questioning of priorities is in order.
Posted by: Matt | Jul 27, 2005 12:36:09 PM
Matt, I had about given up my last comment being allowed through, let alone you replying. I don't agree with everything at Harry's: like you, I don't go along with the obsessive secularism. And you may have noticed I did have a 'word' of my own after all on John Berger (He seems to have just one phrase worth mentioning in his pieces these days: for another example, if you can bear to go into that place again, see the link at the end and my comments at the end.)
But the examples from Orwell's CEJL seemed particularly apposite. Far from being sentimental nostalgia for a time of moral certainty, it is a reminder of the wrong choices that many of the Left intelligentsia made at that time, choices that could have been disastrously wrong if they had had more influence.
I have not dwelt on equivalencies, moral or otherwise, between Hitler and bin Laden, though I do think the points about appeasement are relevant today.
Your remark about 'being a parrot for Newt Gingrich' is unworthy: I don't know what basis you have for saying this.
http://hurryupharry.bloghouse.net/archives/2004/08/25/up_and_under_from_down_under.php
Posted by: DavidP | Aug 3, 2005 6:54:56 AM
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