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The Auratic Economy of a Critique of Violence
[For those who don't know me, my name is Kenneth Rufo, and I post primarily at Ghost in the Wire. My training is actually in rhetoric (from a speech-communication perspective) and media ecology, thus the content and style of the following post.]
Why are we here? Why is the ever growing list of Long Sunday contributors spending this week discussing Walter Benjamin and his Critique of Violence? The answer is at once both banal and incisive: we wanted a reading group that began with a relatively brief and accessible text, and this particular work of Benjamin was the primary suggestion. But why? Why is it that 85 years after its initial publication this particular essay still holds such fascination? What is it about the appeal of messianic violence, the institutional critique of the police and of the death penalty, or the timeliness/timelessness of this critique? What is it about Benjamin that draws us to him on this, of all issues?
Debates over author-function aside, let's face it, for all the fame that Benjamin earned, much of it posthumously, his real reputation was made on essays penned in the 30s, not at the start of the 20s or before. This "Critique" is not an essay he returns to with any seriousness in his later work, so when we think the name Benjamin, whatever the appeal of this particular essay, this isn't really the work that defines the proper name of the author. This is a Benjamin in his infancy, a Benjamin who still ardently believed in a Jewish work for Europe, who believed that Judaism held within it a spiritual essence necessary for cultural redemption. Three years before the Critique would be published, Benjamin had sketched a "Program of the Coming Philosophy," a program that (following Kant) hoped to search for objective/empirical means for a "higher concept of experience... the sole embodiment of which, for philosophy, can and must be God." The Critique also coincides with his failed struggle to start a new journal, Angelus Novus, inspired by the same angel picture that would be referenced 20 years later in his "Theses" on history. The journal catered to a fairly esoteric crowd of religious thinkers, who gathered from a shared desire to reclaim a spiritual imaginary from the violence with which the 20th century had begun. Between a limited audience (the journal's mission statement went so far as to dismiss the general public as readers) and the financial burdens of 1921, the journal never saw the light of day. This is also a Benjamin concerned first and foremost with formulating a concept of the work of art (his works on this subject, both explicit and implict, dominate the late 10s and early 20s), and does so with a metaphor that hints a bit at the flaming Geist of Heidegger, comparing the critic to an alchemist who, confronted with the "work as a flaming pile," believes "the flame itself remains a mystery, that of the living being. Thus the critical thinker asks about the truth, whose living flame burns above the massive logs of what once existed and the light ashes of what has been experienced."
So we have here a very religious thinker, thinking about the dialectical arrangement of violence as an object in a culture that suddenly seems violently secular, doing so in the aftermath of the Great War (violence is thus still fresh, real, palpable, or following the above metaphor, still smoldering). We can't say the essay bears directly on the horrors to follow, since it would be another eight years before the rise of National Socialism (the party existed at the time the critique was published, of course, but was suffering from a failed attempt to mobilize urban centers, something they would replace with an agrarian, farm strategy after 1928). So we can't identify the essay's fame by attributing to it a particular timelessness, as any rudimentary look at the context that governed its production tells us that the piece is indebted to a set of circumstances that no longer properly obtain.
Not properly obtain, I say? Indeed. Much has changed since Benjamin's critique; hell, much changed within Benjamin's own work, and much of that change centered on a revision of the concept of the artwork. In his most famous essay, written and revised during the mid 30s, Benjamin realized that the medium mattered, and that newer media brought with them entirely different relationships to the work of art, perhaps even a certain destruktion of the work of art altogether. This is essential for us to recall, not because it overdetermines our reading of the Critique of Violence but because it helps us to grasp its applicability, and further to understand what our attempts at grasping tell us about our own overdeterminations.
Now, I know that this is a reading group about the Critique of Violence, and so I don't want to step out of line in my very first Long Sunday post. But we've already had a number of close reads, and we'll be having several more, so I don't feel too guilty about stepping back and doing something different, or perhaps stepping more gingerly around the Critique as I walk the line elsewhere. To wit, here's an extremely useful quote from "The Work of Art in the Age of Technical Reproducibility:"
The authenticity of a thing is the essence of all that is transmissible from its beginning, ranging from its substantive duration to its testimony to the history which it has experienced. Since the historical testimony rests on the authenticity, the former, too, is jeopardized by reproduction when substantive duration ceases to matter. And what is really jeopardized when the historical testimony is affected is the authority of the object.
You can see some similar conceptual work being done here as was done in the earlier description of critical alchemy, but here the living flame is put into question because of its technological reproduction. Its ability to testify, as ashes once were able to do, is now in doubt or non-existent, for the ashes may be artificial, secondary, or simlacral, and the original flame can no longer be distinguished so easily from its searing dopplegangers. Let us apply this then to violence, both mythic and messianic (but especially messianic), for if we can highlight any monumental disconnect between Benjamin of 1921 and Long Sunday of 2005 it is that the wars that contextualize either moment are decidedly distinct. The aftermath of the Great War was an historical rupture of epic proportions, throwing into doubt entire ideologies of nation-hood and Enlightenment; the war in Iraq seems to confirm the banality of conspicuous consumption and to celebrate the televisual surreality/unreality of the whole affair. It's worth at least alluding to Baudrillard's infamous pronouncement about the first gulf war, that it never "took place," not only because of the debt Baudrillard owes to Benjamin, but also because Baudrillard helps us to understand that what is precisely at stake in contemporary violence is not the reality of its force and the authenticity of its power (be that power be divine or institutional), but rather the simulation of violence that removes us from the realm of violence, or more accurately, confounds any "experience" of violence by flooding us with symbolic antecedents that structure the hermeneutics of that experience.
[Please, please, please, don't misunderstand me. This is not a "people don't experience violence because violence isn't real" argument, but rather a "people primarily experience simulations of violence, or experience violence by way of extant and preceding simulations" argument. In other words, it's not about whether or not violence exists, but rather, with Benjamin's critical thinker, how it is we can understand the experience of violence since that experience is predicated on an apperception structured by mediation. I hope that's clear enough.]
And yet, the critique of violence resonates, despite what may be a slight anachronism within it. It clearly matters, yes? I don't doubt it. Personally, I love the essay. I love the readings of it. I'm glad it was suggested as a text for our reading group. But the simple fact of its suggestion doesn't explain what it is that makes this particular essay so ready-at-hand when it comes to the short list of good texts. Let's try not to be all about the intention or invention of those at Long Sunday, but rather ask more generally: what is it that makes this text so resonant, despite changes within the last 85 years that call into question some of its critical possibibilities?
I want to suggest - and here I finally return to the title of this post - that the reason is that this essay rescues violence from simulations by providing unto it a theoretical aura. In other words, by bifurcating violence and then imagining a messianic version free from the contamination of the institution or the mythic, free even from the letter of the law, violence becomes authentic again, and thus worthy of analysis. It becomes about pure means, it becomes about the coming community, it becomes bigger than life, larger than mere living, it becomes... well, whatever we wish it to become. This is an essay that, precisely because it goes under the name Benjamin, excuses us from thinking about the simulations and media environments that have also been thought under that name, and that might otherwise confound our thinking of violence. It makes of the Critique of Violence something like a positive economic value in what might otherwise be a rather hostile, bearish economic climate.
Maybe this is a good thing, maybe not. The contributions thus far have been quite fascinating, and quite insightful, and so no one can doubt the productive and heuristic force of this essay. But we shouldn't count its own violence either, its own messianic production, a production that in turn lends itself to our current violent appropriations. The picture of the Angel of History that inspired the failed Angelus Novus of 1921 is read very differently in Benjamin's "Theses on the Philosophy of History." In 1921, in the imaginary that also gives us his critique of violence, the angel is read as a religious symbol par excellence, and violence is read accordingly. In 1940, the angel is read as a picture, as an image, and history is thought accordingly. Those two moments are parsed by a critical awareness of mediation and reproduction that confounds the authentic, and that should equally confound the messianic. That we refuse that difficulty tells us much about our own critical alchemy and its shortcomings, even as it also reassures us that aura never really disappears.
Perhaps alchemy has given way to channeling, and we are all now constituted, critically, by that double sense of the medium, as technologies and as psychics. Perhaps...
By kenrufo | November 29, 2005 in Benjamin | Permalink
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» Reading Group: Benjamin from Ghost in the Wire
Did I mention I recently joined Long Sunday? No? Well, I did. This week, they're having a reading group on Walter Benjamin's "Critique of Violence," and I posted my contribution today. I call it "The Auratic Economy of the Critique... [Read More]
Tracked on Jan 2, 2007 10:40:37 AM
Comments
Really interesting, Kenneth. I have two responses.
1. I was struck in "Critique of Violence" by Benjamin's gesture to the popularity of the great criminal--this seemed to cry out for some kind of media awareness, but Benjamin doesn't go there.
2. On time, Agamben ends The Time that Remains with a long passage from a note from Benjamin. This suggests to me that Agamben thinks that not only are we now in a messianic time, but that Benjamin is particularly timely.
Posted by: Jodi | Nov 29, 2005 8:44:01 AM
[T]the war in Iraq seems to confirm the banality of conspicuous consumption and to celebrate the televisual surreality/unreality of the whole affair...This is not a "people don't experience violence because violence isn't real" argument, but rather a "people primarily experience simulations of violence, or experience violence by way of extant and preceding simulations...it's not about whether or not violence exists, but rather, with Benjamin's critical thinker, how it is we can understand the experience of violence since that experience is predicated on an apperception structured by mediation." argument.
These are highly questionable if not flat out objectionable statements. The qualifications don't make them any better; in fact I'd say they're the worst ones. What people are you talking about here? I doubt you're talking about Iraqis who've themselves been or seen friends or family members injured or maimed; the same goes for American military personnel who've been wounded. Then, of course, there's the war dead. Can't get much more of an authentic experience than a violent death, and I think Heidegger would agree with me on that one.
These statements and the claim that Benjamin's essay “rescues violence from simulations by providing unto it a theoretical aura” only make sense if you don't distinguish violence qua physical event from violence qua media representation, for it's only in its media representations that any prior simulacra of violence, themselves representations, provide cognitive structure and context. Violence qua physical event has never been in any danger of losing its autheticity to simulations; ask anybody who's been on its receving end.
If one wants to analyze the attitude of wing-nuts and the 101st Fighting Keyboarders towards Dubya's excellent Iraqi adventure, then violence qua simulation is a vital construct. But I doubt a reading of ‘Critique of Violence’ through the lens of ‘Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction’ would restore the authenticity of violence for them.
I'll repeat what I wrote in reply to Alain's post: the key insight in this essay is that violence (the event, just to be clear) is constitutive of law, either by creating law or sustaining it. And unfortunately this was borne out by the position of the Dem candidates in '04: none of them would repudiate the Bush doctrine of pre-emptive war. So the essay still holds good because key elements of the social world in which it was written—the state as a means of power for capital first and foremost among them—are still in place. What's different is that divine violence/revolution is nowhere to be found. But perhaps that was as much a fiction in Benjamin's day as it is in ours.
Posted by: et alia | Nov 29, 2005 9:55:39 AM
I'm not sure Agamben has much of an appreciation for mediation, either. That's certainly one of the criticisms aimed at his Remnants, for example. Not that it necessarily matters, but it might be part of the reason for his citational preference for earlier Benjamin.
Posted by: Kenneth Rufo | Nov 29, 2005 9:57:47 AM
et, I understand your objection to the basic claim that representations of violence structure the experience of violence, but it's an objection that I tried to preempt with that bit of clarification. Maybe I failed, or maybe you're not going to be convinced. I suspect a bit of both. I'm not always the clearest, and I think your arguments, were are somewhat reactionary in terms of simulation (as if simulation is dialectically opposed to the real? I'm certainly not making that claim).
Still, let's take a few easy examples, including the recent video that shows Aegis contractrs shooting at civilian vehicles that approach their Humvee. Elvis plays throughout, and it's a trophy video, originally posted by employees to an employee website. Let's take the video footage of the Fallujah mosque shooting, in which an American soldier walks up and shoots/kills an injured Iraqi lying on the floor. We can discount the import of these things in terms of cultural imaginaries, just as we can dismiss as inane the sort of news practiced on the Situation Room with Wolfie, or any other televisual outlet, but let's face it, the vast majority of violence is experienced as a representation, and representation is always already a simulation, like it or not. It is this temporal/ontological structure I think you're either avoiding or not agreeing with: the argument is, again, following Baudrillard, that the proliferation and awareness of representations/simulations structures subsequent experiences of violence. Just as for example, when Iraqis say "it's just as bad as under Saddam," well that's because all violence works within a representational construct. It's sort of a sine qua non of being able to theorize or discuss violence, no? I think your attempt to differentiate is evidence enough of that necessary structure.
All of the above explains why, btw, your attempt to appropriate the pain and sufferings of the Iraqis, and then to top it off with a Heidegger reference, is laughable. For Heidegger, Dasein's relationship with death is its own, and no one else's, which is precisely why it is that Heidegger opposes fundamental ontology to metaphysics, because the former opens up the possibility of reflective thought while the latter is mired in a calculative thought predicated on representation. That way lies das Man, and a silencing of the call (see BT, 164-5). Even in division II of Being and Time, with the closest Heidegger ever gets to an ethic of the other - his call of conscience (which he'll abandon and transform later into the more asbtract call of Being), he argues that the call is only the result of one's own temporal unfolding (see BT 320-1), what he'll call the "constancy of the Self." Hence the etymological association between the authentic (Eigentlichkeit) and one's "own" (eigen).
As for which people I'm talking about, I thought the audience-as-implied and audience-as-object was fairly explicit in my post: those participating, either through writing or reading, in this particular reading group.
Now, as for your interest in fighting the wingnuts (good luck with that), I doubt that any reading of the Critique will sway them, so I'm not really attempting to provide effective tips for activism here. I suspect you know that. But whatever. Even should we assume that our collective goal, we would still have to suck up the fact that a) you're right and divine violence was already a fiction back in Benjamin's day, hence my argument about the theoretical provision of an aura to a violence that is always already institutional and mythic, thus saving it from this simulacral milieu, and b) you're wrong to assume in any way that the wingnuts have predicated their success on espousing a simulacral take on power. You're wrong, horribly wrong, because first, it assumes a causal agency rather than a symptomatic one, and second, because they very much believed in the reality of the threat posed by Saddam Hussein, either to us or more certainly to his own people. They were, and often still are, very convinced of that danger, and responded accordingly. Aligning the wingnut right against the materialit, reality-based left, is just plain silly, and I think, a rather impoverished view of the current political scene. It is neither the structure nor the binary content (for or against the war) that determines political success, but closer to fact, the ability to disseminate a vocabulary recptive to particular ideological formations, and thus to particular contents (which are really just ontic filler for more primary ontological determinations).
All that being said, you're surely on target when it comes to this essay's key insight, but that doesn't mean our approach to it can't itself also be a productive source of reflection.
Posted by: Kenneth Rufo | Nov 29, 2005 10:28:21 AM
Kenneth: thank you for providing such a detailed response. Perhaps all I can do at this point is give an account of my disagreements. I have to confess to antipathies to both Baudrillard and Heidegger and I don't think I can get around those.
First, it wasn't clear to me that you were concerned with the audience to acts of violence. In reading Benjamin's essay, I was concerned with his parallel between divine violence and a revolutionary general strike and therefore with violence qua event. Therefore, with respect to the examples you adduce, yes, the audience to violence—which includes the agent, as in the case of the soldier shooting the Iraqi—always places it in a representational context. But for me that was quite a turn from what I saw as the essay's concept of violence.
But is that sine qua non of the ability to theorize violence? I'm inclined to say no, but all I can offer are questions and intuitions rather than arguments. First and foremost: do we need a representational context for pain? I'm inclined to say no, but I'm not sure. The question about pain is important because, short of death, pain is the usual consequence of a violent act for the victim. Two objections can be made here and while there may be others, these are the important ones I want to address: first, that pain does indeed require a respresentational context and second, that unless one is speaking of one's current pain, a representational context comes into play. I have no reply to the first and indeed cannot rule it out conclusively, so that would be a signal point of disagreement, although one I have misgivings about. So far as the second one goes, yes, a representational context does come into play, but it isn't one that allows for the kind of radical "re-determination" (sorry for the fugly neologism, but I can think of anything else) of violence in the examples you cite—except perhaps for some of those Iraqis who'd say that things are as bad now as they are under Saddam, e.g., someone who had a friend or family member tortured in Abu Ghraib first under Saddam and then under the coalition forces.
As for death, authenticity, and Heidegger goes, that death is always one's own and not susceptible to representation was what I was getting at, although the appropriation of others' deaths in service of an argument is ghoulish at best and I shouldn't have done it. And maybe this still gets Heidegger wrong, but it was a cheap shot in the first place. But the question about pain also applies here, Heidegger or no.
As far as wingers and the 101st Fighting Keyboarders are concerned, I'm not interesting in fighting or convincing them, only wondering what the implications of an authentic violence would have for them. And in this case, I'm surprised that you grant them a straightforward cognitive structure to their support of the war: especially if they honestly believed that Iraq was a threat either regionally or globally, wasn't that fear a product of a specific representational context? Also, while I agree the mass of supporters didn't possess agency (and what is "symptomatic agency," anyway? I think you must mean that their convictions about Iraq were symptoms of a larger social dynamic; if so, I agree on that point), the business of "selling" the war and the machinations the present administration went through to so do shows that at least the architects of the Iraqi invasion thought the simulacrum of Saddam Hussein-as-a-threat-to-world-peace (and it was him personally) was a lynchpin of their strategy.
Posted by: et alia | Nov 29, 2005 12:17:50 PM
Ken,
I very much appreciated your post, even if your Benjamin is not necessarily my Benjamin (I share with Agamben a preference for B's early works, and that is nearly all I share with Agamben, or at least all that I would care to). While I wouldn't have taken the same road to get there, nevertheless I found myself agreeing with some of your conclusions, particularly that the closest that we can come to the meaning-effect produced by Benjamin's notion of "divine violence" is that of returning violence to its aura.
However, if this was indeed Benjamin's project and I don't particularly care if it was, I see such a project as being necessarily apart from the critique of mediation which Benjamin came to later in his life. I'm of the opinion that Benjamin's formulation of the means/ends distinction and of instrumental reason in general which is presented in the KdG is fundamentally confused. The idea of a pure means is a dead-end... the best that we could say about such a concept is that it is an analogy, and I would argue that this is exactly what it is for Benjamin. An analogy for aura, which is to say, in some sense, an analogy for analogy's deadlock.
As another question to be opened up regarding the contextualization of Benjamin, I'm not entirely sure that he was as Jewish as people around here seem intent upon making him. Perhaps its hard not to see him as Jewish when reading his approval of a classically Old Testament notion like "divine justice" but I am not convinced that such a context helps our reading.
Posted by: Marc Lombardo | Nov 30, 2005 5:36:32 AM
hi Ken,
I'm not sure I understand all of this (in part because I'm not sure I understand Benjamin), but I like your piece. (And generally am enjoying the symposium - thanks to all you Long Sundistas.) When you say that Critique of Violence returns aura to violence, I assume you mean in the sense of authenticity, is that correct? I'm not sure I agree. I think I might want to say it's more the other way around, that he's trying
remove the need for authorization. Put differently, maybe he's trying to strip the aura from violence generally, a sort of 'act of violence in the age of its reproducibility'.
On that, thinking of Jodi's comment on the criminal, it's interesting that WB distinguishes between crime and class war. This is just importing my own interests, but I think one could look at mythic (divine?) pseudonymous collective figures such as Ned Ludd as a form of crime as class struggle that operates by proliferating nonauratic violence against law. (Maybe. I'm not sure I get what's meant by or at stake in 'aura'.)
take care,
Nate
Posted by: Nate | Dec 1, 2005 10:49:49 PM
"As for death, authenticity, and Heidegger goes, that death is always one's own and not susceptible to representation was what I was getting at"
Heidegger is/was wrong ... death, in our experience is always that of an other ... and our 'own' death always belongs to the other ... that other can be 'real', a 'representation' or indeed an 'illusion' ... is not 'being towards death' not just one among many such illusions?
Heidegger does not deserve to be mentioned in the same breath as Benjamin.
Posted by: thebicyclethief | Apr 7, 2008 5:21:51 PM
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