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Zizek and Us
One of my favorite books in political theory is Althusser's Machiavelli and Us. Althusser reads Machiavelli (with and through Gramsci) as particularly difficult insofar as Machiavelli presents himself as scientific and objective, yet somehow unsystematizable. Althusser writes:
...the central point where everything is tied up endlessly escapes detection. It is impossible to provide a systematic, non-contradictory and complete exposition of a theory presented strangely, in the form of fragments of a whole that has been deemed 'unfinished' (Croce), but instead seems absent--and fragments arranged in a strangely deformed space, constructed in such a fashion that it is not possible to encompass or hold them together in perfect unity.
To my mind, Althusser's point applies well to Zizek.
On the one hand, given that Zizek's upcoming book is titled The Parallax View, one might want to read this deformation (this ruptured, impossible, or forever incomplete unity) in terms of the displacement that arises when one observes an object from different positions. This reading accords nicely with Althusser's reading of Machiavelli and Gramsci insofar as Althusser emphasizes the way that the modern prince cannot be a fixed point, cannot be localized, but must be recast as mobile and in history.
On the other hand, we could also, as a start, draw from another of Althusser's points, namely, that Machiavelli is attempting to think in the conjuncture, to think in an uncertain place of contradiction wherein the meaning of any and all specific elements not only changes but can be thought in terms of relations of force and hence changed. Accordingly, as Althusser writes:
let us say that the present space of an analysis of the political conjuncture, in its very texture, comprising opposed and intermingled forces, makes sense only if it arranges or contains a certain place, a certain empty place: empty in order to be filled, empty so as to have inserted in it the action of the individual or group who will come and take a stand there, so as to rally, to constitute the forces capable of accomplishing the political task assigned by history--empty for the future.
What does this have to do with Zizek? My thesis is that Zizek should be read as thinking in the conjuncture. And, more specifically, this means that his theoretical work needs to be read in terms of this process of emptying. In his (and Hegel's) language, it means that we take seriously the work of the negative.
Such a thesis allows us to understand his key themes in terms of this emptying out in order to produce a political space that can be filled. Thus, the decline of symbolic efficiency or fact that the big Other doesn't exist reminds us that anything is possible. Similarly, Zizek's emphasis on subjective destitution, correlative to the non-existence of the big Other, eliminates any stake and/or stain that might attach a subject to existing relations or to a future already filled. At the same time, Zizek's emphasis on responsibility, on a willingness to go to the limit, indicates the political element of the action of taking a stand in an empty place, a radical and risky move insofar as it is not guaranteed in advance.
(Incidentally, this is precisely the location of John Holbo's misreading of Zizek on Brecht. Holbo thinks that Zizek replaces one ethical imperative with another. Zizek's point is that a revolutionary imperative is not ethical in the sense of being part of a general framework or worldview. Insofar as a revolution brings something new into being, radically changing the contours of what counts as right or wrong, one cannot equate the political situation of 'it is not permitted for us not to kill' as the same as an ethical duty which can deliver enjoyment (getting off on killing, say). Zizek's discussion of the Stalinist show trials also make clear that Holbo is wrong in equating killing for the sake of the revolution with utilitarian rationalism. The demand of the Party had nothing to do with reason--to say so is to posit a truth outside the Party, which itself is already to be an enemy of the Party. I should add that Holbo is also confused about the idea of a vanishing mediator, a concept Zizek takes from Jameson to refer to historical configurations that function in a specific way and then either wither away or have a change in function; the key examples are Calvinists and new social movements in the former Eastern Europe.)
That Zizek provides no guarantees does not mean that his "emptying out" is an emptying into nothing, an attempt to adopt some kind of pure or divine stance. His emptying out, then, is quite specific: an emptying out of enjoyment, the obscene enjoyment that continues to stain the law (as its hidden foundation, practical realization, or simply out of the perverse kick we get when doing our duty lets us really screw somebody else).
I say this because unlike, say, Agamben, Zizek does not abandon the law. He does not suggest or appeal to relations between people that could somehow be beyond the law. Instead, they are always within the law, necessarily so as long as we remain subjects in language, connected to others. What psychoanalysis lets him do, in other words, is refrain from idealizing relations to others in terms of animal bliss and to recognize that the universal dimension of law is what enables us to grasp the problems and deficiencies inhering in law.
To this extent, we should take Zizek's Kantianism absolutely seriously: what sort of a law can we imagine ourselves as bringing into being? As long as we imagine ourselves as concrete others, this law will be terrifying, potentially violent, a harsh enforcer at odds with our particularities. If we posit ourselves instead as symbolic others, the others of the norm, of toleration, neutrality, and fairness, our law will turn into its opposite--intolerant, partisan, cruel. Instead, we have to work through law as Real, as ourselves undignified, lacking, uncertain, incomplete, and given. We need law, but law is not everything (the Real is the symbolic in the form of non-all). With law understood as incomplete, as non-all, we have spaces for enjoyment outside the law. This is how I understand Zizek's emphasis on Christianity and the work of love: this love doesn't mean we don't need law; it means that law by itself is not enough.
In sum, it seems to me that Althusser's Machiavelli gives us insight into Zizek as Zizek takes the position of the lacanian analyst (objet petit a, excremental remainder). The point is to clear away a space, to create an opening that can be occupied (never filled). And, the conditions of this occupation require not simply an Act, but responsibility, and collectivity thought through law and love. That Zizek doesn't tell us what to think is like both Machiavelli as he tries to think something new in the conjuncture and like the analyst who of course can't tell us--the very possibility that he could is a fantasy that he could deliver enjoyment.
By Jodi | January 2, 2006 in Zizek | Permalink
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Over at Long Sunday I have a long post on Zizek masquerading as a post on Althusser and Machiavelli. My thesis is that Zizek should be read as thinking in the conjuncture, a point Althusser makes about Machiavelli. My point [Read More]
Tracked on Jan 2, 2006 5:18:08 PM
Comments
Yes, that's exactly what's wrong with John's use of the Brecht quote.
Posted by: Adam Kotsko | Jan 2, 2006 7:21:47 PM
Long time listener, first time caller. I am new to this game, and for this reason this post will almost certainly be execrable nonsense...
Jodi, I find your posts on Zizek consistently insightful, and I think this specific analysis performed by you here is no exception.
This said, however, I still think there is a certain deadlock. For sure, it is beyond doubt *my* deadlock, although, fort-da, I grudgingly guess I am willing to share it with you. Here is my problem: we are talking in terms of universal notions such as Law, Love, Responsibility, and Collectivity. Now, when I am called to think about it, I understand what these words mean. But - as Zizek's Dad Lacan found to his cost after he accidentally (though it was not one) banged his head against a wall - where I am, I do not think, and where I think, I'm not.
I say this, because you ask invoke the name of Kant in order to ask questions about imagination. But who is imagining? You say 'we', and you say it repeatedly. But who are 'we' - and where do 'we' begin and end?
For sure, I am not even certain if this question makes sense, and therefore far from certain whether or not it is productive. I believe that it does though, and is, and for this reason: it seems to me that insofar as we are talking to each other about a collective subject we, we are talking about God and, secretly, about different things. Hence - "Jesus said: whenever two or more of you are gathered in my name, I am in your midst."
But we talk in tongues - in a vulgar fashion, so that we are able to maintain - and in a certain sense, produce, the fantasy to each other and ourselves that in reality we understand the other and that it is not this sign-thing "Jesus" in our midst, but instead "I" - to each and all, ourselves.
But in fact, this understanding of this other - and indeed, even this groundless ground of the imaginary self, is wholly secondary. The important part is the fantasy itself, this fantasy between us, that we accidentally make-believe come true by fake understanding it in the meantime, and therefore - someone said this over at ctheory.org in an essay called the Lacanian Conspiracy conspiracy - we hallucinate ourselves into existence. By means of enjoying our own private conspiracies of stupidity and ignorance.
Ha!
Wait.
The paranoid fear has just dawned on me that I may have just accidentally paraphazed your post almost verbatim entirely. Have I? Uggh. The radical imagination is an anxious beast. And now, I no longer know. It is 3.25AM. Disturbing. But nonetheless, it was fun.
Posted by: daniel | Jan 2, 2006 10:31:03 PM
I read that sentence at the end of State of Exception again. The one which says "from the space thus opened will it be possible to pose the question of a possible use of law after the deactivation of the device that, in the state of exception, tied it to life." I think it says "use of law." I'm not sure whether that means abandonment?
Posted by: Amish Lovelock | Jan 2, 2006 11:21:15 PM
ah "daniel"...perhaps you can tell us, why do those Valve people keep coming over here and merely flaming things, (the "we" she is nought of course but the gentle, speculative invitation, though maybe we should ask Alan Sokal to be sure?) This unmannerliness will not stand.
Posted by: Scottish | Jan 3, 2006 12:26:18 AM
Readers may also wish to read Adam's post following on a number of comments (responding to others claiming dear affinities between Zizek and Stalin, etc.--perhaps worth elevating to the relating footnote on Holbo, for mere convenience sake?)
Posted by: Matt | Jan 3, 2006 12:43:51 AM
Jodi, I think your emphasis, as always, on how Zizek, like Agamben and others, is trying to think (and Enact!?) an opening in this increasingly homogenizing current of a wildly failing neoliberal order (one that--need it be said--serves largely to exacerbate the already mounting global problems to very nearly irreversible levels)...is useful, and should in an ideal world serve to encourage people to take his nuanced critique seriously. I was especially impressed by his latest comments at Birbeck, although along with Adam I continue to find it funny that he apparently has this thing. The thing where he obviously borrows from Derrida quite freely but cannot admit to liking him, for bizarre street cred reasons maybe(?) "we" can only assume. The unfortunate result, however, is that he often seems to be leaning on aspects of Derrida's more patiently developed critique for authority alone (and it remains unclear still, whether he cares to understand their complexity at all, or simply pretend to pwn them). So for a serious reader of Derrida, this can be mildly irritating. Anyway as much as I think I follow your post, parts are still ambiguous:
that Machiavelli is attempting to think in the conjuncture, to think in an uncertain place of contradiction
I'm not sure I understand what this is referring to exactly. And are you saying one should take Zizek in some respects as one would Machiavelli? AL's point about Agamben not abandoning law entirely also important, and well-taken.
Posted by: Matt | Jan 3, 2006 2:58:02 AM
Posted by: Steve | Jan 3, 2006 3:09:05 AM
Matt: the best move Zizek could ever make (career wise, that is) would be to become the Machiavelli of the twenty-first century. Five hundred years latter, we still don't know if Machiavelli was a republican or a monarchist! Talk about a legacy! We still can't decide if being called "Machiavellian" is a nice or mean thing to say!
Being nearly ignorant of Derrida, please write a post on him and authority. Or at least a guide to the relevant work.
Posted by: Craig | Jan 3, 2006 11:31:20 AM
I met a guy once who was the authority on Derrida. I laughed at his jokes, but he didn't shake my hand.
Posted by: Matt | Jan 3, 2006 11:47:50 AM
Daniel,
Thanks for your comment. In the first instance, I simply meant we as in 'we who are reading and conversing.' But, this is clearly sloppy and there is more to it. Thus, the firmer sense of 'we' informing that paragraph on Kant might be thought in terms of a kind of 'we' as a collective trying to bring something else into being. I read Zizek as trying to create a space for the possibility of such a collective, be it understood as Party (which he suggests in his writings on Lenin) or an analytic community (Fragile Absolute), or even slumdwellers or hackers (Irag: The Borrowed Kettle). And, so, yes, we hallucinate ourselves into existence. And, this produces a new realm of appearance or symbolic order which guides and informs our interactions.
Amish, fair point on Agamben and use. Still, it seems to me that insofar as he brings together law in messianic time with law in the state of the exception (camps) and insofar as he consistently endorses Benjamin over, say, Schmitt, Agamben is more interested in moving outside or beyond law than in, say, using it. If, however, I am wrong on this, then I would think that he and Zizek are closer because Zizek does not seek to abandon the law but to traverse the obscene fantasies that stain and limit it.
Matt, Althusser reads Machiavelli in terms of concrete political problems involving the formation of national unity in a national state. But, Machiavelli doesn't see it this way, he can't, not yet. So, he works with the singularity of specific problems in Italy, which he nonetheless tries to compare with other places. At any rate, the point is that certain given contextual problems are driving the theoretical development; the theorization is occuring at this conjuncture and hence from the standpoint of a previous way of thinking cannot be clear and from a later standpoint of thinking seem inconsistent. We could say that Machiavelli is thus a vanishing mediator. And, I think this is helpful for reading Zizek in that it gives us a sense of how people try to make sense of him by collapsing him into something they think they know for sure--say, simple liberalism or crazy totalitarianism. Or how they take one particular problem that he might address (say, his critique of multiculturalism) and use that to stand for everything.
So, yes, in some ways it makes sense to see a similarity between Zizek and Machiavelli.
Posted by: Jodi | Jan 3, 2006 1:53:18 PM
Does Zizek talk about emptying out in order to produce a political space that can be filled? That seems odd to me.
Anyway, isn't the vanishing mediator here is less the proper name of Machiavelli than the nation-state he sought?
Abstractions such as 'the law' incline toward denying the contingency of 'the law' itself. As something that cannot be 'abandoned', apparently because it has a kind of ontological, pscyhic given-ness. There's a whole teleology and necessity that gets reimposed here methinks by talking about 'the law' as if it is not contingent upon the state.
A fragment from Althusser on the contingent encounter and aleatory materialism here.
Posted by: s0metim3s | Jan 3, 2006 11:14:16 PM
Sometimes--the 'filled' should be understood only as momentary occupation; the emptying in order to produce a space is my language, my interpretation of Zizek's project--I want to emphasize, though, again, that the 'filled' is strictly momentary, and necessarily false, fragmentary, etc.
Why is this a good way to think about Zizek? I think that it captures well his emphasis on the overlap between subjective destitution and the fact that the big Other doesn't exist; each of these is necessary for a political Act; additionally, emptying can be understood in terms of analysis wherein the analysand has to accept destitution and the hard work of putting together a life in the face of the collapse or traversal of the fantasy which has told her who she is.
Any structure can be a vanishing mediator. On nation state, it doesn't seem to be vanishing all that easily; in fact, it seems the site of a great deal of bloodshed.
The law is not contingent on the state. There are multiple forms of law: canon law, laws of kinship, imperial law, etc.
Posted by: Jodi | Jan 4, 2006 12:55:05 PM
Ok, thanks for the clarification. I didn't think Zizek, or any Lacanian, would had fantasies of plenitude.
Anyway, I fail to see how you can argue for a politics of contingency (which I agree with) while reasserting the necessity of 'the law' (or, simply, reasserting necessity).
While there are many kinds of laws (though it remains a question at what point in history certain things were gathered as subsets of 'the law'), all laws presuppose violence and, for something to assume 'for us today' the form of law - not least to assume the abstract quality of 'the law' - it presupposes - at the very least - a certain monopoly over the exercise of violence. This is the contingency of 'the law'. And it's this contingency that I think vanished in that claim that 'the law' cannot be 'abandoned'.
It's one thing to be alert to the reinscription of 'the law' as it arises in the negation. But quite another to insist that 'the law' must therefore be assumed to be necessary.
And, yes, I agree that the nation-state is not about to pass away any time soon. But, I think imperial law supposes a state, doesn't it?
Posted by: s0metim3s | Jan 5, 2006 12:09:18 AM
Jodi, I don't see it. I have a number of objections, but here is just one. You write:
"Holbo thinks that Zizek replaces one ethical imperative with another. Zizek's point is that a revolutionary imperative is not ethical in the sense of being part of a general framework or worldview."
It seems to me that EITHER I am right, OR Zizek is disbarred from making all sorts of ethical noises that, in fact, he likes to make: better health care; the plight of Third World workers under globalization; ecological damage. Surely Zizek is in favor of revolution because he wants some better social conditions, or because he wants to make better lives possible. But then that gives the game away. He is suspending a lower ethical imperative for the sake of some higher, revolutionary goal. No?
Posted by: jholbo | Jan 5, 2006 4:49:09 AM
Sometimes,
Yes, imperial law presupposes a state.
Zizek's view, which I agree with, asserts a combination of contingency and necessity; not everything is contingent, there are patterns and causes and systems and laws in which contingencies (miracles) appear.
I don't agree that speaking of the law in the abstract requires one to accept a Weberian monopoly on the means of violence.
John, actually the suspension of the ethical and the political is part of an Act in which anything can happen, in which the results might well be worse, in which one cannot appeal to the higher cause as a justification; for Zizek, this kind of appeal ends up formerly 'perverse' an instrumentalization of, say, 'the laws of history' for the sake of one's subjective stance. It's precisely this kind of perversion or instrumentalization that is account of the Act is introduced to avoid. Differently put, for Zizek there is a difference between fidelity to the truth event and duty; fidelity to the truth event means we cannot do otherwise; duty confronts us with a choice that we accept or reject, follow or not.
Posted by: Jodi | Jan 5, 2006 8:17:46 AM
"He is suspending a lower ethical imperative for the sake of some higher, revolutionary goal, No?"
I would say no. Zizek defines the goal of the revolution in religious, rather than ethical terms. The religious is qualitatively different to the ethical: the relation between them is not as simple as the relative between higher imperative, and a lower imperative. The reason for this is that, in Kantian terms, there can be only one imperative, which is the categorical imperative, which is the moral law, which must be obeyed, because it is the law, and the law is to be obeyed. Not because it is good to obey the law. But only because it is the law.
There is an unbearable violence to this structure. In her book Ethics of the Real, Alenka Zupancic explores this in detail. Following Lacan, she notes how, insofar as we remain with the realm of Law alone, we remain in danger of falling into the Sadistic trap of becoming a pure, perverse instrument of the moral law: a subject-executioner. Such a subject will disavow responsibility for their actions by claiming they were forced to perform them by an irrestible force, like voices in their head, a God who instructs, etc...
Zizek specifically does not claim this. His point instead is that because this deadlock which the law leads us to would be properly unbearable, and yet, here we all are, bearing, the law must be considered incomplete.
Thus, he asks, how can the law be completed? The answer that he gives to this question is: by love. Note: not romantic love, but love without mercy, love concieved in terms of giving something you don't have, to someone who doesn't want it. This form of love does not represent itself as a higher imperative for Zizek than the law, rather he concieves of it as the real of the law.
Why? This is where Zizek's Hegelianism comes into: the concrete universal is the particular. Law is that without theoretically applies to all without exception: all are equal before the eyes of the law. Love is that which applies only to the single exception: I love you, and only you.
One can see the structural inversion here, so consider the following: what might it mean to "love law"? Would it mean to following the particular dictats of a particular law? Surely not: this would just be following the law. No: instead, to love law must be concieved in terms of loving the exception of the no-exception.
Are you following me? Think about this idea in political terms. What, in political terms, might the exception of no-exception mean? For her part, writing on Sygne de Coufoutaine, Zupancic defines it as the following:
"In life, there is one thing which one cannot give away ('the absolute condition'). For this Thing one is ready to give away everything (but this 'everything' tolerates no exceptions). The only way to realize the absolute condition is to sacrifice it as an exception (to sacrifice its character of an exception)."
(Zupancic, EOTR, p.258)
Zupancic goes on: "Here we are dealing with a kind of short circuit which, instead of evoking the infinite by realizing the whole of the finite, suspends the infinite as an exception, and thus renders the finite not-whole - that is, contaminates it with the infinite. The infinite is visible here...as an embarrasing and 'out-of-place' presence."
It is this "embarrassing and out of place presence" which constitutes the point of the Real around which Zizek's entire project revolves. For Zizek, these embarrasing objects are symptoms: what is repressed in the symbolic returns in the real. For his part, Zizek is concerned with analyzing these symptoms. His discourse is explicitly positioned in this regard as that of the analyst. The sublimely neurotic style of his writing is extremely important in this regard, as it engages its readers in a kind of simulation of an analytic session. Zizek does not wish to be our master, and it is wrong to try and characterize him in this way. He does however, wish to be our long-distance analyst, and I think he has succeeded in this mission to a far deeper degree than I think many people realize.
Posted by: josef k. | Jan 5, 2006 8:36:53 AM
Josef K--nice way of making the point. But: why do you say that love completes the law rather than fulfills it. I say it this way because it seems to me that law remains non-all even with love although love can fufill the law. What I have in mind is the discussion of knowledge and that even one who knows all but lacks love is lacking and that even when one has love one is still lacking because lack is characteristic of love. (This version fits with love as the Real of law since the Real is also non-All/the symbolic in its form as non-All).
Posted by: Jodi | Jan 5, 2006 11:37:03 AM
On the Zizek and Machiavelli connection - I have an article in Theory and Event (8.2) that argues against the thesis that Zizek might be the new Machiavelli, on the basis that at least Machiavelli's teaching offers some helpful advice on how to avoid being placed on the menu when the revolution begins to eat its children.
I should also add that I was the organizer of the MLA panel on Zizek and Christianity, and that the other presenters, who took a somewhat less polemical approach, were Matthew Biberman (University of Louisville) and Sheila Kunkle (Vermont College).
Posted by: Peter Paik | Jan 5, 2006 9:34:17 PM
Hi Peter, welcome to the wild world of online Zizek discussions.
And now, back to work. Jodi responds to my criticism:
"John, actually the suspension of the ethical and the political is part of an Act in which anything can happen, in which the results might well be worse, in which one cannot appeal to the higher cause as a justification;"
And:
"Zizek defines the goal of the revolution in religious, rather than ethical terms. The religious is qualitatively different to the ethical: the relation between them is not as simple as the relative between higher imperative, and a lower imperative. The reason for this is that, in Kantian terms, there can be only one imperative, which is the categorical imperative, which is the moral law, which must be obeyed, because it is the law, and the law is to be obeyed. Not because it is good to obey the law. But only because it is the law."
Let me work backwards through this. First, the religious notion in question - that religion is qualitatively different than ethics - is clearly the Kierkegaardian one. And so we start with Kierkegaard on Ethics. Your Kant point is, I think, inapplicable because irrelevant in this context. Kierkegaard (thinking through Hegel, thinking through Kant) certainly thinks it is possible to suspend a lower duty for the sake of a higher. That's the whole point of K's Brutus example, which I discuss. (Also, the Iphegenia example. This is what makes you a tragic hero: doing something 'wrong' when there is a higher ethical purpose, like hauling a bunch of Greeks to fight Trojans.) You don't need to understand ethics in terms of higher and lower duty, but if you don't, it makes nonsense of the Kierkegaardian point and you owe an account of how to reconstruct 'teleological suspension of the ethical' in other terms. I don't see why the Brecht example shouldn't be conceived in the terms that Brecht himself surely conceived of it: namely, as a case of suspending one duty for the sake of a higher duty. Obviously Kant would regard this notion as absurd. But that isn't to say that Brecht is making the leap of absurdity. The more sensible conclusion is that Kant is WRONG that it is impossible to conceive of sacrificing lower duty for higher duty as an ethical act. (Because it is possible to be a utilitarian or Hegelian or Kierkegaardian, for example.)
Moving up to the first comment: it is precisely the fact that you say 'in which the results might well be worse' that shows you are, in fact, operating within a general ethical worldview; which you are strongly committed to NOT doing (if we are taking this suspension of the ethical stuff seriously). If all of Ethics were really, truly about to be totally reconfigured (on the Kantian model of a transcendental subject giving itself laws) then it wouldn't make sense to think the results could be worse. The relation between what came before and after would be totally undefined and undefinable, better and worse-wise.
This is where the charge of cryptonormativity (to use the Habermasian term for it) gets its traction. Zizek is not entitled to smuggle in ethical norms under cover of pretending that he is advancing a religious notion of revolution. This amounts (in Trillingesque terms) to sincerity in authenticity's clothing. An example would be the point in "On Belief" where he says an example of trying to 'do the impossible' in his terms was Clinton going for universal health care, and failing. Wanting better health care is patently an ethical desire. It is either a desire to maximize the good, or the enforce the right, or something. Either way, it has nothing to do with Kierkegaard's notion of a teleological suspension of the ethical.
Last and perhaps least, it does not follow from the fact that 'the results might be worse' that one cannot appeal to higher causes as justification. If I make a good gamble and lose I can rationally appeal to the fact that the odds were good, but the results turned out not to be. Rational decision is not just possibly but paradigmatically a matter of considering actions whose consequences might make things worse, rather than better. To attempt to cast all decisions where the results might turn out worse as 'suspending the ethical' or 'part of an Act in which anything might happen' is just confused, I think.
You might say: but, damnit, starting a revolution is a matter of saying 'this is intolerable!' not a matter of bean counting concerning maximization of the good. Yes, as a matter of moral psychology, utilitarians may make poor defenders of the barricades. But that does not mean that, as a matter of justification, the reasons why you need good defenders of the barricades are, broadly, utilitarian. If you see what I mean.
Posted by: jholbo | Jan 5, 2006 10:41:45 PM
The penultimate sentence of my comment above is missing a crucial 'not'. See if you can figure out where it should go.
Posted by: jholbo | Jan 5, 2006 11:27:26 PM
John, you link together my comment with Josef K.'s in a way that is, for me at least, rather confusing (likely because his comments are not from the train of thought I was following when I wrote mine).
I might have a different response in the morning, but bottom line at this point, to say that the results could be worse means worse from what we might hope for or worse from what we can see now. Yet, the Zizekian point is of course that the act changes these things so that we never go back to the place we were. (I won't argue about Kierkegaard per se; to me, what's at stake is Zizek's position in general and then the specific points I criticize you for in my post.)
Regarding Brecht--you say that it is likely he saw the matter as sacrificing a lower for a higher duty; Zizek suggests another interpretation; you say that interpretation is nonsensical--I've explained the sense that it makes. To say that another view is possible doesn't render Zizek's view wrong or your view definitive. So, it seems to me that you need to say why Zizek is wrong rather than that Brecht 'surely' conceived it as you say he does.
I'll try again on 'worse'--we don't have to be committed to an ethical view to say worse; so, one can posit an ethically preferable but materially or emotionally worse outcome: 'we kept to our principles, too bad the house burned down!"
Finally, for now, Zizek's suspension of the ethical means that one cannot rest on one's principles or intentions or probability; none of those matter (interestingly, like Kant on this point). That this can be redescribed in ethical terms doesn't strike me as controversial or meaningful. The point is the jump, the must over the ought (as he describes in Iraq: the Borrowed Kettle). So, the matter isn't about probability, it's about not backing up a view by principle (precisely because we can do all sorts of things in the name of principle when we are really just getting off on our power or our weakness or our own moral superiority--again, as Kant acknowledges as well.)
So, I think you need to do better if your charge of cryptonormativity is to stick.
Peter, yes. I know. I'm on the board.
Posted by: Jodi | Jan 5, 2006 11:37:54 PM
Sorry Jodi, my mistake. Somehow I slipped and thought that Josef K.'s comment was by you. Redirect my complaints to their proper recipients accordingly.
You now write: "Zizek's suspension of the ethical means that one cannot rest on one's principles or intentions or probability; none of those matter (interestingly, like Kant on this point). That this can be redescribed in ethical terms doesn't strike me as controversial or meaningful."
The point of my criticism isn't that the view can be redescribed in ethical terms. Rather, the point is it cannot be redescribed in NON-ethical terms. There is no way to understand Zizek's view except as a normative, ethical prescription to take a certain course of action because - however risky - it makes more sense than not taking it. All that calling this 'suspending the ethical' does is get Zizek illegitimately off the hook when it comes to justifying his prescription. (Ergo, the justice of the cryptonormativity charge.)
Approaching from a different angle, you write: "The point is the jump, the must over the ought." I think the difference is merely one of rhetorical emphasis. You are in a burning building and you propose trying to jump to safety across a wide gap and someone says 'but we might die'. And you say: 'We MUST'. This is just an emphatic way of saying that since the status quo is intolerable one really ought to take an 'impossible' - i.e. very unlikely - step, rather than just giving up. I take it this is Zizek's idea of what needs to happen to liberal democracy. But the proposition that liberal democracy is like a burning building actually needs serious, rational defense. All the Kierkegaardian rhetoric does is generate a misleading impression that somehow ethics have been suspended, and with them the need to justify an ethical views (of liberal democracy) to others who may not see the sense of it.
Posted by: jholbo | Jan 6, 2006 12:41:12 AM
The exchange between you two, Jodi and John, has been quite fascinating and I haven't been able to gather all the strands it has generated over the web, but I just wanted to make an observation before leaving to visit my parents tomorrow, who unfortunately do not have a computer at home.
It seems to me that the main controversy here is over the meaning of the revolution sought by Zizek, and whether it can be understood in pragmatic terms, regardless of Zizek's own beliefs, or if this revolution somehow outstrips our cognitive and psychic capacities and undermines the basic terms of both ethics and politics. I find Zizek strangely postpolitical on this score - although, as Matthew Biberman noted, I do find more that is salvageable in Zizek's writings than John does, it strikes me as impossible to separate the political from a pragmatic or utilitarian horizon. A Machiavellian can never rest, and must be constantly attentive to what others, including his or her allies, understand to be expedient. Remember the fate of poor brutal Remirro de Orco, who for his faithful service to Cesare Borgia in successfully pacifying the Romagna was cut in half and left in the town square so as to "stupefy and appease" the inhabitants of that province.
Or maybe I'm wrong to call Zizek postpolitical - perhaps what he is after with the idea of the act is a kind of political "surrealism," as in Andre Breton's oft-quoted statement about what a surrealist work of art would be: haphazardly firing a revolver on a crowded street (I'm sorry, I can't remember exactly how it goes). But there is a term which I think encompasses both possibilities, the gratuitous act and the casting away of one’s weapons – as well as the way in which Jodi frames the idea of revolution – and that is antinomianism. Any politics that seeks to go beyond the horizon of the utilitarian will march to its anthems, for antinomian sects use the law (by breaking it) in order to bring down the divine kingdom to earth. Antinomian political leaders often focus on the unknowable and the unpredictable elements of the series of actions they unleash, since they are not only defying the established authorities but also seeking to shatter the very notion of reality itself (back to Greil Marcus and Lipstick Traces?). The problem as I see it is that the stance of anti-pragmatism, which makes for a sublime politics, if not a politics of intensity and thus of authenticity, tends to cut in favor of the revolutionaries on the right, rather than those of the left. Sacrifice, self-immolation, and the confrontation with annihilation will always win out against the leftist vision of a society based on egalitarianism and justice. For the politics of pure means, the gratuitous giving of one’s life and the inflicting of death, has a seductiveness that exceeds the vision of social harmony and cooperation. I can’t resist but refer to the Simpsons episode where Homer gets to be head of the Stone Cutters – the members are willing to endure without complaint any kind of humiliation and injury at the hands of their superiors, but once Homer decides to stop lording over them and turns them into a humanitarian organization, dedicated to helping the community, they turn on him right away and begin plotting his death (with the notable exception of George H. W. Bush, who merely wants to rob him of his voice). On a more serious note, many of the young men who went to war in 1914 were ambivalent – they knew that the war was going to be destructive and horrific, but they also yearned for the chance to devote their lives to an objectless sacrifice.
Sorry to go on, but I think John Lukacs is on to something when he argues that the right-wing revolutionaries are driven by hatred, while the left-wing revolutionaries respond to fear. John Gray also notes that the anti-globalization movement is not really unified by any positive principle, but is largely fueled by the fear of catastrophe. The somewhat comforting lesson that one finds in Lukacs is that in the long run, fear usually proves more powerful than hatred.
Posted by: Peter Paik | Jan 6, 2006 1:07:28 AM
Interesting exchange here, enjoying reading it. Terminological question - Jodi, please, the term "destitution", what's it mean here? Something to do with poverty (destitute), or de-stituted (neologized opposite of constituted/instituted, like destituent vs constituent)? Thanks!
Posted by: Nate | Jan 6, 2006 1:32:55 AM
John:
You write:
The point of my criticism isn't that the view can be redescribed in ethical terms. Rather, the point is it cannot be redescribed in NON-ethical terms. There is no way to understand Zizek's view except as a normative, ethical prescription to take a certain course of action because - however risky - it makes more sense than not taking it. All that calling this 'suspending the ethical' does is get Zizek illegitimately off the hook when it comes to justifying his prescription. (Ergo, the justice of the cryptonormativity charge.)
As I read this, it seems to me that you are giving a general reading of Zizek rather than focusing on the specifics of the Brecht stuff. This isn't a criticism, it's a way for me to try to be clear about where I think your point is addressed. If it were simply about Brecht, you would, I think, concede that Brecht could be read in terms of a hypothetical imperative rather than an ethical one (shoot or jump, whatever, I advise you to do one, but there isn't an ethics at stake if you decide to die or give up or whatever). But, (I take your point to be) Zizek can't be understood as advocating simply a hypothetical imperative--radical rhetoric about changing society, the Act, and so on isn't something like 'have a revolution if you feel like it.' More is at stake.
Habermasians hold (and, I did my dissertation in Frankfurt on Habermas and spent the first big chunk of my academic life heavily in these circles, and in fact still remain on the board of "Habermasian" journal) that any critique necessarily rests on a prior notion of something like justice, on some kind of an ideal. (And, this is what you are suggesting as well, no?).
Psychoanalysis, however, (like the Foucauldian approach against which the charge of cryptonormativity was initially raised) rejects this view--and Lacanian psychonalysis emphatically rejects the idea. Why? Perhaps the simplest way to put it is that an unhealthy or repressive society cannot produce healthy psyches. It can produce more or less adapted psyches, psyches that are more or less aware of their fantasies, symptoms, etc. But, no one is forced into analysis and the analyst doesn't tell the analysand what to think, what the truth is, etc. The analysand simply projects this kind of knowledge onto the analyst. Basically, the analysand has to work it out, simply using the analyst as an object by which to do this.
I say all this to establish the plausibility of a position that does not rely on a hidden normativity.
A response then might be: ok, so why would 'liberal democracy' go into analysis? And this question would, like your last point, want to call up Zizek's critique of liberal democracy. And, here we might make 2 distinctions:
1. the critique of formal democracy (what's wrong with liberal democracy in principle?)
2. the critique of the procedures (elections etc) in current societies thought to be liberal democratic
Yet, even as we might undertake discussing each element, recognizing their interconnections, we would overlook a couple of other important things:
a. the critique of capitalism and notion of class struggle at the heart of Zizek's analysis (so, he begins from the notion that society is fundamentally split, that there is no society as such but instead an antagonism--this very starting point puts him on a trajectory incompatible with liberal democracy; in a similar vein, one of his major criticisms of the Habermasians is the way that their notion of civil society relies on a failure to politicize the economy);
b. the theoretical reference points for Zizek's political thinking--Laclau and Mouffe, Badiou, Ranciere, Balibar, Althusser, even Deleuze: at best one gets here a notion of 'radical democracy' (which Zizek rejects) and not liberal democracy per se.
So, his work isn't targeted at liberal democracy per se. It's targeted at the ideal of democracy that seems to be the ultimate horizon of political thinking and as such blocks left thought from doing two things at the same time: politicizing the economy and taking responsibility for the work of institutionalizing something new (an indication of the latter is of course his infatuation with St. Paul and Lenin as institutionalizers who really had no idea what they were building or making as they acted in keeping with fidelity to what they experienced as the event of truth.)
Lastly, as this gesture to a Marxist and post-Marxist tradition suggests, there are political commitments at stake: a planet or enviroment not overcome by ecological devastation, the possibility of a more just distribution of resources, and even the possibility for a different way of living and understanding freedom wherein freedom is not reduced to choice (so, something more Hegelian). On this last point, rests, I think, perhaps Zizek's most sustained critique of freedom today: all the achievements of new social movements, the struggles for rights, etc have brought with them new forms or versions of domination. Why is this and how might it be changed? (This of course is developed in the last chapter of the Ticklish subject as well as in parts of On Belief and The Puppet and the Dwarf, all of which you're familiar with.)
Posted by: Jodi | Jan 6, 2006 9:28:02 AM
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