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The new barbarians

TrontiRe-reading "The Strategy of Refusal," the verve, confidence, and daring of Tronti's formulations are striking.  What's established, then, in this and other early examples of Italian operaismo, is a style of intellectual engagement: brash, iconoclastic, sweeping, taking no prisoners. 

This is a style of writing that aspires to separate itself radically from all intellectual production hitherto, indeed from intellectuality as it has been traditionally conceived tout court.  No more "organic intellectuals" of the Gramscian inheritance; these are but parasites of the Communist party and the labour movement (16). 

So what Tronti proposes is no less than a revolution within theory, in which culture and mediation are brusquely rejected:

Antihumanism, irrationalism, anti-historicism, instead of being practical weapons in the hands of the working class struggle, become cultural products in the hands of capitalist ideologies.  In this way, culture--not because of the particular contents that it takes on in a particular period, but precisely through its ongoing form, as culture--becomes a mediation of the social relation of capitalism, a function of its continued conservation.

[. . .]

A critique of culture means to refuse to be intellectuals.  Theory of revolution means direct practice of the class struggle.  It is the same relationship as that between ideology and working class science; and as that between these two combined and the moment of subversive praxis.  (16)

This style will be maintained throughout the following decade, and can still be seen in Negri's work today.  Empire, for instance, is a book with an unusually high quotient of exclamation marks.  The first lesson of operaismo, then: write as if you had no doubts.

At the same time, the echoes or foreshadowings of Althusser visible in the quotation above--theory as both class struggle and science, for instance--demonstrate that style alone cannot insulate a writer from the fate of party parasitism.  It is then no great surprise that Tronti should later himself join the Communist party, to become again one of its organic intellectuals, if perhaps one with a somewhat more strident tone.

But the critique being absolute--a plague on all of culture!--then the terrain is cleared, second, for theory to become affirmation.  And what is affirmed is the power and autonomy of the working class, in and for itself, beyond and in the teeth of all attempts, political or intellectual, at its representation.

For the break constituted through the strategy of refusal

presupposes the existence of a political force of the working class, organized per se, and able to constitute an autonomous power of decision in relation to the whole of society, a No Man's Land where capitalist order cannot reach, and from which the new barbarians of the proletariat can embark at any moment.  Thus the final act of the revolution requires that there should already be the workers' state within capitalist society--the workers having power in their own right and deciding the end of capital.  (20)

This radical affirmation of autonomy, an autonomy available hic et nunc and proclaimed with ardent enthusiasm, becomes the core of what will later be known as the theory of autonomia, enables the productive encounter with schizoanalysis in Paris, and can also be traced in the contemporary post-autonomista work of Negri and others.

[Apologies for my delay.  The above is at least a placeholder to kick the Tronti fest off.  I hope to write another, more developed, post later this week.]

By Jon | March 20, 2006 in Culture, Politics, Readings, Refusal, Tronti | Permalink

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Comments

I find it interesting that you begin with style, probably because that is not usually where I begin and because many who write about Zizek also begin with style. And you find the style noteworthy in its boldness and confidence. How opposite to most left writing today!

Also, I'm glad you mentioned the part about intellectuals and culture. I started thinking that it makes no sense for me to respond to or interact with this piece. For, any engagement I would undertake would indicate a refusal to refuse to be an intelletual. I don't know any other way of engaging this piece, yet, this is precisely what Tronti wants to eliminate or foreclose.

Posted by: Jodi | Mar 21, 2006 12:37:14 PM

Jon, I found this much more interesting, actually, than my own long winded piece. I hope you include a little more tracing of the autonomen movement.

Posted by: roger | Mar 21, 2006 12:46:44 PM

Roger, thanks. But the week's still young: it's good to have these diverse approaches to start us off.

Jodi, on style, I think mentioning this enthusiasm is a useful corrective to criticisms elsewhere of (particularly) Negri's intractability. Here's what I wrote in my review of Empire, for instance:

"It is worth remarking upon the book's tone. Empire is littered with exclamation marks and with the various indicators of absolute self-belief ('in fact' or 'actually' this, 'really' the other), not to mention the most brutal of put-downs (Amnesty International and Oxfam, for instance, described as 'mendicant orders of Empire' [36]). Hardt and Negri write in the declarative mood. If Marxism is in part a style, an attitude expressed discursively, Empire is fully within the tradition set by Marx's grim wit, clarity, and verve. This book ends with an affirmation of 'the irrepressible lightness and joy of being communist' (413), and one senses that Hardt and Negri had some considerable joy in writing it."

As for refusing to be an intellectual... I know what you mean, but first of course what's he's aiming at is a new form of intellectual work; and second, I think it's worth experimenting with barbarism from time to time, for which a preliminary step may involve certain refusals of the intellectual function.

Posted by: Jon | Mar 21, 2006 12:54:49 PM

Oh, and as far as my own mea culpa, that would involve the fact that I'm so much reading Tronti through autonomia, and especially Negri.

Posted by: Jon | Mar 21, 2006 12:57:50 PM

Jodi - Is it necessary to refuse to refuse to be an intellectual in order to engage in thinking about the refusal? I have to read it again, but this point about resisting the position of the intellecutal was also, I believe, adressed in Foucault's interview with Deleuze "Intellectuals and Power". Deleuze himself always refused the status of an intellectual because, he said, he "didn't have a position", whatever that might mean.

Jon - I like your post, especially the part about theory becoming an affirmation. Isn't this one way in which thought subtracts itself from the position of the intellectual - in the sense that theoretical engagement is not in some isolated space separate from struggle but is a creative enterprise directly engaged with struggle. Affirmation rather than mere reflection, then?

Posted by: Keith | Mar 21, 2006 3:43:06 PM

hi Jon,
Thanks for this.

One thing: you start off talking about a type of intellectual engagement, then move toward talking about a type of writing (which might include methods of carrying out the act of writing, for instance I think one of Dunayevskaya's books was written partially via a series of seminars with workers), then the comment on exclamation points makes it seem more like you mean a style of writing in the sense of a literary style. Am I misreading, or is this narrowing a deliberate thing?

As for the intellectuals stuff, I took that to be an attack on a sort of Gramscian idea of what an intellectual is, but I'm not sure (and I don't see how Tronti really gets away from that). I like to read Tronti's remarks along the lines of Foucault's comments against 'universal' intellectuals (writers) in favor of 'specific' intellectuals.

take care,
Nate

Posted by: Nate | Mar 21, 2006 4:20:59 PM

re: Foucault, from "The Masked Philosopher", in Politics, Philosophy Culture (google booksearch has it..)

Posted by: Matt | Mar 21, 2006 4:25:07 PM

Keith--I can't quite answer your question but I can say that my response above was designed to note my own inadequacies in engaging the piece because I am not an organizer. So, I go to protests etc, have circulated nominating petitions, but come to texts like these reflectively.

I also think that reflection matters and is actually never isolated. I guess I would say that it is also not disconnected from struggle but connected in different ways, ways that vary respect to the contexts of struggles in play. And, for intellectuals who work as academics in the academy, we are often, by our institutional position if not our intention, on the wrong side. In sum, the Kmer Rouge would kill or reprogram me--and for good reason!

Posted by: Jodi | Mar 21, 2006 6:45:42 PM

Nate, on style, I don't see too much difference between what you're terming "style of engagement" and "style of writing." Or, to put it another way: I think literary style is important precisely because it invokes or sets up relays with a whole set of other engagements.

And one way in which resonances can be set up between different manifestations of style (engagement, grammar, whatever) is in terms of the affective traits that are passed along by the gestures and attitudes that constitute a style: here, enthusiasm and confidence, for instance.

(There can also be dissonances, of course: bravura conservativism, for instance, as with that Slovenian fellow... and perhaps a blogging currency trader or two...)

Posted by: Jon | Mar 22, 2006 4:26:31 AM

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