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March 06, 2007

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jane

You're a good one, CR. Just thought I'd say so. I'm sad Baudrillard is dead, unrelatedly.

D'you think AdBusters' obsession with self-scourging — I mean, aside from partaking of the regressivist back-to-the-land fantasy — is just a version of philanthropy for those who can't afford to be actual philanthropists? As if acts of personal renunciation can serve to produce systemic change? Doesn't this simply reveal — with exactitude — the fallacy that was always present in the proposition that "the personal is political"?

Matt

Girlfriend brought home a copy from the local mega health-store just the other day, on a nostalgic whim, and in semi-awe because it was the most expensive magazine in the place, she said. I was curious too whether it had changed over the years, but just glanced at that "existential divide" shit, and had about the same reaction. Lifestyle activism for the gentri-yogi, guilty-conscience class, bleh.

Perhaps it could open a mental door or two for my students, she said. Southern Baptist highschool kids read this, you think, I wondered?

Kenneth Rufo

I don't know if the argument would appeal to you any more CR, but my partner has a book coming out with University of Minnesota in a month or two that spends a lot of time engaging Adbusters as being too focused on its own brand identity as the negation of other brands, and is for too situationist trendy for the times. She looks at some other similar movements, too, like appropriation art and copyright theft, before ultimately arguing that creation of a new commons through something like an intensification of copyright - like Creative Commons - is a more productive mode of resistance to brands and copyright. Anyway, it may not tickle your fancy, but it's a good read, if I do say so myself, and the Amazon link is here.

jane

Kenneth: though I can't quite place the grammar of your post, I suspect it's saying that AdBusters's strategy is "situationist trendy." If I have that wrong, you can disregard the rest of this post.

It's funny, when Matt first asked me if I'd like to contribute an entry to this site, my impulse was simply to list the use of the world "spectacle" and try to attend to the ways it failed to attend to the basics of spectacle theory while pretending to invoke it. I was troubled by how (potentially trendy) misuse of the term increasingly calcifies an almost entire misunderstanding of the idea.

I eventually abandoned the project because it would have been too scolding, and I am an LS fan. But I will take that up just for a brief second to say that AdBusters and like strategies are themselves a thorough (and kinda dumb) misreading of those ideas — a misreading you merely repeat by adducing one to the other. Put most simply, Debord simply doesn't believe that "media" are the problem, or that the spectacle resides in media, or in the realm of appearances at all.

The spectacle is not a collection of images, but a social relation among people, mediated by images, he writes, as explicitly as possible. The failure of AdBusters and like strategies is exactly that they are led always away from the catastrophe, toward a contained set of its expressions, and so fight a cultural (in the narrow sense) rather than a historical struggle.

One should be leery of throwing out the baby of political economy with the bathwater of media interventions.

Kenneth Rufo

Nice, Jane, and you had my meaning exactly.

Though, and I'm being serious here, I would have thought the baby to be media interventions and the bathwater to be political economy.

CR

You're a good one, CR. Just thought I'd say so.

Thanks, Jane. I hope you know that I think you're a pretty good one too... Please do post again here soon!

Doesn't this simply reveal — with exactitude — the fallacy that was always present in the proposition that "the personal is political"?

Absolutely.

Kenneth,

The book sounds good... I'll definitely take a look.

jane

Kevin: I take your point that political economy has more the feel of a medium in which we're all sunk, potentially misrecognized each time we locate it in a singular object. You'll trust I was using the tired analogy to distinguish the critical from the ancillary, only.

In general, "bathwater" is the analogy I always use in explaining ideology to [poets], as in, "It always involves an operation analogous to lying in a bath heated to 98.6 degrees, and insisting that the water has no temperature."

Nate

Great post CR. I think you hit the nail squarely on the head. Question: did Adbusters always suck, or did it take a turn? I quit subscribing after Lasn made a comment about how awful women only spaces at some college were, sexist etc. That crystallized my growing discontent into not renewing, but back then I was still of a type to get off on the self-renunciation in Adbusters, one which makes their occasional invocations of the SI both hollow and ironic. I vaguely remember buying an issue a few years ago because of a music compilation that came with it, but I can't remember at all what was in that issue of the mag, perhaps I didn't bother to read it. The comp was pretty good.

Jane, Adbusters no more discredits "the personal is political" than they discredit the SI. To say otherwise is itself fallacious.

Ken, your partner's book looks great, which raises issues of limits of subvertising even without Adbusters puritanism. I know the Chainworkers in Italy try/tried to combine culture jamming with more traditional activist and union tactics. I don't know how much success they've had, and I know a number of exclusively culture jamming activities have spun off it. Elsewhere in the cultural networks of Italian far lest scenes, earlier I think, folk around the Luther Blissett project tried to combine media stunt aspects with open source and creative commons activity. I'm not sure if any of that's ongoing anymore either, but it was really interesting and exciting while it was on.

CR

Thanks, Nate...

Question: did Adbusters always suck, or did it take a turn?

Dunno. This is certainly something a bit of research would clear up, though I'm not sure where one might get a hold of a full run of the mag. (My uni library doesn't have it....)

But my best guess - and it's a personally inflected guess - is that the world changed a bit, whatever happened to the magazine. During the 1990s, political struggle seemed so much more slippery, what with the rising tide lifts all boats scenario to argue with, that perhaps I was a bit more open to idiosyncratic responses than I am now, when things are perhaps a bit more out in the clear. Does this make sense? I'm both more pessimisitic and optimistic now in just such a way that answers like Adbusters's seem totally off the mark.

And / or I was just a kid and didn't know any better.

Actually examining the old numbers of the mag would be the best route. I'm going to put it on the middle distance list of things to do.

Craig

Perhaps there is something about youth that makes Adbusters or Ayn Rand palatable... A radical naivety, perhaps? (One also thinks of the extraordinarily simple politics of "punk" music and the obligation, it seems, that every "punk" band make an "anti-war" video.)

Steve Brown

There's a magazine in France called "Decroissance" which sounds pretty much the same. It's not about getting rid of croissants or pan au chocolats (sorry, poor jokelet) - but argues for a greener world devoid of what counts as economic growth. It too has a radical gloss but ultimately boils down to, "You can save the world by wearing a hair shirt".

Nominalist

""""that's basically a version of the "From the dawn of time, man has loved art/literature/freedom/money/sex" that I prohibit my students from using as an opening move in their essays for my classes... And the thing is, it's not just a style issue. The universal sweep of the intro (in my students' papers) tends to give on to overly-broad, unspecific, and often erroneous arguments.....""

It's not just a style issue: c'est vraiment. Yet tell that to the members of the MLA mafia, who have, under the influence of "poststructuralism" or whatever, opposed argumentation, empiricism and data-driven research for years. Marxist economic materialism is essentially empirical, based on observation, fact, historical record (see the German Ideology rather than Capital)--even the "rentiers" idea could be (and ought to be) confirmed via inspection of economic data, land holdings etc--it is the non-empirical, speculative aspects of Marxism (ie the lingering Hegelianism) that are the "problematics" as y'all say--such as class struggle, and the surplus value theory, the obscured discussion on commodity,.

RC

Adbusters is an argument, proposed reductio ad absurdem. Its function is to drum up fear, anxiety and despair. Its efficacy is totally undermined by its tactics.

In the "exitential divide" there is an art piece of a woman with clouds behind her, smoking a cigarrette, looking all "existential". I keep wondering what brand cigarrette.

Maybe I don't get adbusters? You tell me.

You read the mag, you see a Nike ad that has been altered to show Nike in a negative light. You then agree with adbusters "advertising" and blame Nike for the problems of the world. Hating Nike, you then preach to people who wear Nike in hopes of enlightening them, which as can be expected, pisses them off. You then begin to hate people that wear Nike, since they are obtuse dicks who choose their own foot comfort over your newly found pure and 'committed' convictions. You then look around your space and find it filled with everything adbusters tells you to hate. The result is you hate yourself, since you can't "go live on 100 acres in sweden" in a burlap sack, or whatever. So now you hate yourself because your a filthy label whore.

Wait, your right. It does sound like Fight Club.

Perhaps the movie is a lesson showing the pitfalls of going down this road of self loathing schitzophrenia, because in the end, the only answer is to put a cathartic bullit in your head. People who read adbusters are "going through a very strange time in their life".

Peace.

Kevin

All people have a need to feel important. Their ideologies are those that they think will be the easiest way to accomplish this goal. The guilty-class in our nation feel important by ridiculing others by saying, "I care what this pious man thinks about me and you don't." In reality they care only about themselves as much as the pious man who lives his life the way he does because it makes him feel important.

CR

Don't disagree with much that you've said, Kevin, but who is this "pious man" of whom you speak? Jesus? It must be Jesus that you're talking about.

I think you did great. My compliments.

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